| | Joe wrote:
A different way to view it is that rights denote these moral boundaries... [W]e would say that these rights, or moral boundaries, only exist within the stated contexts. We should respect [other people's] freedoms only under the conditions where they are in fact living harmonious with us. We can say they have rights, but the context is crucial. If they stop living harmoniously, like start murdering people, we don't say that they still have those rights. Rights are not actual things. They're better thought of as moral sanctions, or as Rand said "a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man's freedom of action in a social context." When you have them, you have a moral sanction to act freely, and to defend your freedom from violations. When you murder others, you lose this moral sanction. [Emphasis added]
The point is that we don't need to view rights as some kind of metaphysical thing that we simply have. We can view it consistently from the position that it is a moral concept.
Absolutely. ;^)
Joe, Ronald, and Karyn: sanctions all around. Each of you "get it."
In her "Textbook of Americanism," Rand wrote: "A right is the sanction of independent action." Likewise, in "Man's Rights," Rand wrote: "A 'right' is a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man's freedom of action in a social context."
It is only in that sense that man can be said to "have rights" -- i.e., have a moral sanction to act in social contexts. But we don't "have rights" in the sense of possessing some metaphysical quality or attribute called "rights." Rights don't arise from our DNA; they arise -- as all moral principles do -- from our thinking about the requirements of our lives and well-being.
Yes, objective requirements of human life do, in fact, exist; and yes, they give rise to the need for moral principles to define boundaries in society. But the principles that define social boundaries do not simply exist somewhere "out there"; nor do moral principles reside within us, as some aspect of human nature. Principles must be defined by man, through identifying causal relationships in reality.
Rand: "If man is to live on earth, it is right for him to use his mind, it is right to act on his own free judgment, it is right to work for his values and to keep the product of his work. If life on earth is his purpose, he has a right to live as a rational being: nature forbids him the irrational."
It is clear that Rand is not simply declaring "rights are"; if she believed that, she would simply assert their existence. Instead, she is demonstrating the logical connections of thought required to validate a principle of rights: to establish a transition from personal morality to the need for some moral principle that sanctions the pursuit of self-interest in a social context, and that can define the boundary lines for doing so.
Look, I understand the tendency to want to "metaphysicalize" our philosophical principles -- to establish their "reality" firmly, by locating them in nature. People tend toward this intrinsicist approach to grounding concepts because they fear that otherwise, their concepts and principles will be "arbitrary" and "subjective." It feels a whole lot more secure to regard one's ideas as parts or aspects of nature itself. That way, they seem as secure as bedrock.
But this approach is an illusion. Ideas (and both concepts and principles ARE ideas) are not part of nature, existing independently of US. They are products of our consciousness, as we apply it to reality. Yes, the facts that give rise to our concepts (including rights) are indeed part of nature, and those facts are absolute. But the concepts and principles that we derive from those facts, through conscious thinking, are not themselves part of nature; and, if valid, they can apply "absolutely" only within the appropriate contexts.
If you accept the traditional, intrinsicist view of "natural rights" -- as qualities or attributes of human nature, innate, inborn, and inalienable -- you will have a devil of a time with such issues as abortion, or with executing a murderer (even in self-defense), or with self-defensive acts of war that will inevitably kill innocents. Logically, if individuals have some innate, inherent, intrinsic moral qualities called "rights," then those rights cannot be forfeited or alienated -- no matter what. All mental gymnastics and sophistry to the contrary notwithstanding, it is logically impossible to reconcile the traditional notion of "natural, inalienable rights" with, say, third-trimester abortions, or with the use of deadly force in ANY circumstance, even self-defensive, because you would be violating the "inherent" or "intrinsic" or "inalienable" or "God-given" or "natural" rights of another.
Anyone familiar with the history of the libertarian and conservative movements knows that it is just such confusion over "rights" that has led many, in the former case, to anarchism and foreign-policy pacifism, and in the latter case, to the "right to life" movement. Intrinsic-rights thinking on the left, by contrast, has led to such notions as economic rights -- "the right to an income," "the right to housing," etc. -- and to such environmentalist nonsense as "animal rights" and "the rights of nature."
If, by contrast, rights are principles of social morality derived from the requirements of rational self-interest, then such moral dilemmas vanish. If we regard rights as moral principles that men have identified, for reasons of self-interest, in order to define and sanction the proper boundaries of their actions in social relationships, then we can begin to see rights as tools of self-interest morality -- not as some sort of commandments of nature that we must obey (or even sacrifice ourselves and others to).
For example, an intrinsicist conception of "the right to life" would mean that taking a human life is always wrong -- even in self-defense. However, an objective conception of "the right to life," rooted in a morality of rational self-interest, holds that rights are principles, not inherent qualities of man; thus, they are not ends in themselves. As moral principles, then, rights do not apply in certain contexts. So, taking a human life may be a heinous evil or a virtuous act, depending on the context: e.g., murder or self-defense. Even taking an innocent human life can be either morally evil or morally necessary, depending on context (i.e., murder vs. "collateral damage" during wartime).
Rational self-interest governs the application of rights if they are a principle; however, if they "just are," then nothing can govern their application: We simply have a duty to respect them...even to the point of self-sacrifice. There is a great irony in the intrinsicist position. While advocates of "inherent rights" aim to "ground" rights in reality, their claims are actually completely arbitrary. To say that rights "just are" -- i.e., that they don't need to be derived via a process of human thought -- is an arbitrary assertion. Clearly, one does not see in nature, or embedded on people's skin, some label declaring: "HERE ARE RIGHTS." So where, exactly, do we find these mysterious, invisible attributes?
Our Enlightenment forefathers simply asserted their existence, as "God-given" attributes, even though there is not one instance in biblical monologues from "God" in which "He" says a word about "rights." Our Founders realized, implicitly, the NEED for such a social/political concept...but then merely, arbitrarily declared that "God" had ratified it. Religious conservatives continue to make the same claim.
Today, some Objectivists and most libertarians are doing exactly the same thing -- but, being secular, they're substituting "nature" for "God." However, their claim of rights as inherent attributes of human nature is every bit as arbitrary. For example, "Individuals have rights" are the opening words in the Preface to Robert Nozick's famous libertarian treatise Anarchy, State, and Utopia -- thus blithely asserting the very premise that he had to prove.
The simple reply to those who claim that rights "just are" is: Prove it. If you believe rights can merely be asserted and don't require a conscious derivation and rational defense, then how do you answer those (billions) who deny that rights exist? The onus of proof rests on the person making the positive claim. So, don't you think that a concept as important as individual rights requires a better grounding than an arbitrary assertion?
(Edited by Robert Bidinotto on 11/04, 6:54am)
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