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Post 20

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 12:18pmSanction this postReply
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Realistically, ANY use of force raises the possibility of what is euphemistically called "collateral damage." Happens all the time in war, and often enough in police work.

Situation:

Police are in hot pursuit of a man who just murdered someone, and who holds an innocent hostage whom he may well kill. He is driving the highways like a maniac to get away from pursuing officers. Question: Do they let him go, because pursuing him might result in an accident hurting innocent others? And if they do, wouldn't this send a message to ALL criminals that all they need do to avoid capture is to jump in a car and drive like a maniac? Wouldn't the unintended consequence of the "no pursuit" policy, in fact, be to ENCOURAGE maniacal driving by felons?

Situation:

On police academy and military firing ranges, cops and soldiers are trained to make quick, on-the-spot decisions as to whether to draw their weapons and fire during confrontations with armed bad guys. The firing of weapons in any event MAY accidentally hurt innocents. Question: Should police and soldiers NEVER fire weapons if there is any conceivably remote possibility of an innocent being harmed? And if so, what are the wider consequences of that restraint for the encouragement of aggression?

Situation:

Police (or soldiers) are in hot pursuit of a suicide bomber. They spot him rushing toward a crowd of people in a marketplace. A pursuing sniper could shoot him from a distance and prevent wholesale carnage, but his bullet may well hit somebody else in the crowd, too. Question: Should the sniper hold his fire, letting the bomber kill many, rather than shoot him and run the risk of harming only one or two?

QUICK: You are the sniper in that situation and you have only two seconds to decide... So what factor is uppermost in your mind: preventing vast carnage, or refraining from "immoral" use of force?

These types of situations, on a "micro" level, are more broadly relevant, I believe, to national defense policy. Self-defense (and national defense) decisions are not always as clean and simple as we would like.

I have just published a highly controversial editorial in the April issue of The New Individualist titled "The Gospel According to Jack Bauer." In it, I defend this fictional counterterrorist character's use of extreme measures in emergency national-defense situations -- a defense that has caused at least some Objectivists to object. Has Bidinotto abandoned his principles?

While the resolution of such Sophie's Choice/emergency situations is never easy, for me, in a choice between a platonic application of principle, and the defense of vital values against imminent obliteration during an emergency (such as a war), put me down as defending the values rather than the principles. That's because principles are means to ends, and not ends in themselves. And emergencies are, by definition, contexts in which normal moral principles are no longer applicable.

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Post 21

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 1:24pmSanction this postReply
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But a patieint signs a consent form, volunteering to face the risks, and the arrangements for payment for the surgery are voluntary and are worked out ahead of time and the patient agrees to the procedure because it looks to be better than not doing it.


Good point, Steve. That provides some context for my example. Let me add, however, that as far as I know it doesn't always work out like in your scenario. Take an emergency room. The victim of an accident. Unconscious, so he can't sign anything. Survival chance without operation: 10%. With operation: 90%. The doctor operates, the patient dies. An autopsy shows that he died due to the operation. Did the doctor act immorally?

 

Analogy: a Nastonian. A 90% chance to save him from dictatorship, set him free, and make sure the dictator can't murder him. A 10% chance to kill him in the process.

 

Yet, I don't want to dwell on that example too long. What I was trying to say was just that as all human activity is inherently dangerous, the risk of accidentally harming someone cannot be a moral factor for remaining inactive. (Supposing everything humanly possible to avoid all accidents and collateral damage that can be avoided has been done.)

 

If "collateral damage" were a moral argument, you could not be allowed to do *anything.* Driving always entails the risk of traffic accidents. Should all cars be banned because they're inherently dangerous? Flying entails the risk of a plane crashing in a building owned and inhabited by innocent bystanders. Should all aircraft be abolished because those bystanders did not agree to the existence of aircraft?

 

"You take a chance getting up in the morning, crossing the street, or sticking your face in a fan." — Lieutenant Frank Drebin  

If Nastonia were a threat to our country in such a way as to make self-defense reasonable then the those deaths would not on our heads, but rather on the head of the dictator. If it Nastonia isn't threatening us then we are morally responsible for the deaths. That is the reality.


No, those deaths are still on the head of the dictator. We have a right to help enslaved Nastonians A, B, and C, who approve of (and maybe even requested) our invasion. If we accidentally kill Nastonians D, E, and F, who disapproved of our invasion, preferring to be "red" over being dead, their deaths are still on the head of the dictator, because he initiated the use of force against all of them in the first place.

 

The chain of causality is this: (1) dictator initiates use of force against Nastonians => (2) Nastonians have a right to self-defense => (3) Nastonians have a right to outsource self-defense => (4) we have a right to invade.

 

Let me point out that though I say, "Nastonians," plural, I do understand that any right is individual. In extremis:

  • even if only one Nastonian asked us for help, and all others preferred to be slaves
  • even if the invasion kills all Nastonians except this one

the invasion would still be moral.

 

That is the logical consequence of individualism. And I add, it is not just the consequence of an optional -ism, it is the consequence of man's nature as an individual. Anybody who does not wish to face this truth has to flush the last traces of collectivism from his system. There can be no moral justification for sacrificing one individual, even if this sacrifice were necessary to save seven billion others.

 

By the way, if you disagree with (3) you would have to contend that any kind of government and private security firm is immoral. Would you say a police officer has no right to try and shoot a would-be murderer because he might kill innocent bystanders who do not approve of the existence of police officers?

 

I'd like to conclude with pointing out that the statistics of the issue skew the picture in favor of pacifism. Let's assume for the sake of the argument that probabilities have anything to do with morality.

 

You drive. What is the chance that you kill somebody? Let's say it's something like 0.001. So you keep driving.

 

What is the chance that the war will kill any given individual Nastonian? There are thousands of deaths out of presumably millions of Nastonians — so the chance to kill any one of them is 0.001.

So that war is immoral? Not more immoral than driving. That war will kill thousands. Driving kills thousands every year. That war only looks worse because anti-war protesters will bandy about the thousands of dead more volubly than the DMV does the tens of thousand of deaths on the highway. If that war is immoral, so are cars, aircraft, and every human activity.



(Edited by Alexander Butziger on 4/04, 1:40pm)


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Post 22

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 1:43pmSanction this postReply
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Bidinotto: While the resolution of such Sophie's Choice/emergency situations is never easy, for me, in a choice between a platonic application of principle, and the defense of vital values against imminent obliteration during an emergency (such as a war), put me down as defending the values rather than the principles. That's because principles are means to ends, and not ends in themselves. And emergencies are, by definition, contexts in which normal moral principles are no longer applicable.


And thus endeth the lesson.

(Edited for another thought): Well it should end this conversation, but alas, for those wedded to appeasement and/or anacho-libertarian double-speak, - nothing ever suffices.

George

(Edited by George W. Cordero on 4/04, 2:14pm)


Post 23

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 3:07pmSanction this postReply
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George,

I am not an anarcho-libertarian, or any kind of anarchist or even willing to call myself a libertarian.  I am also not wedded to appeasement or an advocate of appeasement.   I'm an objectivist and I'm concerned about the need for a clear understanding of when it is moral to launch a war. 

That's because principles are means to ends, and not ends in themselves.
Those thousands of lives being discussed ARE also ends.  And there are people on this forum who don't understand how to apply the appropriate principles or understand what the proper ends are.    Lot at how the poll question's responses were all over the place. 

Read what Rand had to say about war - and this was before Iraq.  No, George, it isn't time to end this lesson - it is early still.

There still are people in this country who lost loved ones in World War I. There are more people who carry the unhealed wounds of World War II, of Korea, of Vietnam. There are the disabled, the crippled, the mangled of those wars’ battlefields. No one has ever told them why they had to fight nor what their sacrifices accomplished; it was certainly not “to make the world safe for democracy”—look at that world now. The American people have borne it all, trusting their leaders, hoping that someone knew the purpose of that ghastly devastation.

                                                                     "Moral Inflation" in The Ayn Rand Reader, pg 103, ISBN 0452280400


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Post 24

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 4:05pmSanction this postReply
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Robert,

 

I’ll take your points one at a time. 

Realistically, ANY use of force raises the possibility of what is euphemistically called "collateral damage." Happens all the time in war, and often enough in police work.

Realistically, ANY time force is used it may be violating a right or it may be defending a right and our discussion is to clarify the principles an Objectivist would apply to ensure they are not advocating actions that would violate rights.

 

Police are in hot pursuit of a man who just murdered someone, and who holds an innocent hostage whom he may well kill. He is driving the highways like a maniac to get away from pursuing officers. Question: Do they let him go, because pursuing him might result in an accident hurting innocent others? And if they do, wouldn't this send a message to ALL criminals that all they need do to avoid capture is to jump in a car and drive like a maniac? Wouldn't the unintended consequence of the "no pursuit" policy, in fact, be to ENCOURAGE maniacal driving by felons?

 

The kidnapper is the one responsible for any injuries or deaths resulting from his actions.  We have no argument here.  The police are, and should be, mandated to pursue.  I would point out that the “end” that justifies the means isn’t “sending messages” – it is freeing the hostage and capturing the bad guy. 

 

On police academy and military firing ranges, cops and soldiers are trained to make quick, on-the-spot decisions as to whether to draw their weapons and fire during confrontations with armed bad guys. The firing of weapons in any event MAY accidentally hurt innocents. Question: Should police and soldiers NEVER fire weapons if there is any conceivably remote possibility of an innocent being harmed? And if so, what are the wider consequences of that restraint for the encouragement of aggression?

 

Of courses not.  But should they fire bazookas into crowds to ensure they get their man?  Of course not.  Their training should derive from an application of the same principle we are trying to work out here – how to apply the principle of self-defense to best suit the end that best fits the context.  We delegate or self-defense to professionals, in part, for just this kind of trained expertise.

 

And on the scenario of the suicide bomber – of course the sniper should fire.

 

Delegation has a context

But our police are ours – they are defending us based upon our laws.  An individual delegates their self-defense to their government.  That is not at all like having our government defend other citizens in other countries by starting wars when we are not under attack or threatened with an attack.

 

When you start a war, the deaths aren't accidental

This isn’t a case of an accidental death of a bystander – this is of thousands of civilians killed and it knowing that before launching the war.  That means it isn’t an accident. 

 

Self-defence means defense of our nation

I maintain that no one can come up with a rational policy for drawing the line as to what country to invade next and what one not to invade once you throw self-defense out the window.  And make no mistake; it is being thrown out the window when this country is no longer the ‘self’ but rather any person in any part of the globe who has had any right violated by any government.  That is the new ‘self’ that the crusaders are using as justification.  We institute our government to defend our rights inside of our jurisdiction and not as tool to be used as an altruistic engine of liberation for whatever country is the current bad guy.

 

Starting wars to liberate others is altruism - not self-defense - not Objectivism.   


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Post 25

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 4:14pmSanction this postReply
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Steve,

I'll certainly acknowledge Rand's isolationist leanings. However, her position was more nuanced that a simplistic "defend only our borders" view. In her essay "The Wreckage of Consensus" (in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal) she observed that while we should never have entered the altruistic war in Vietnam, "to withdraw from it, would be one more act of appeasement on our long shameful record. The ultimate result of appeasement is a world war, as demonstrated by World War II; in today's context, it may mean a nuclear world war."

As an alternative, she spoke of electing "statesmen...with a radically different foreign policy, a policy explicitly and proudly dedicated to the defense of American rights and national self-interests, repudiating foreign aid and all forms of international self-immolation." However, she left open the question of what constituted "national self-interests." Would that include the right to freely trade for oil from foreign nations? Would she regard some nation's attempts to interfere with that trade as an act of war?

Regarding Vietnam -- and I believe this passage is directly applicable to Iraq -- she went on: "On such a policy, we could withdraw from Vietnam at once -- and the withdrawal would not be misunderstood by anyone... But such statesmen do not exist at present. In today's conditions, the only alternative is to fight that war and win it as fast as possible -- and thus gain time to develop new statesmen with a new foreign policy.... (emphasis added)"

Now, regarding our initial invasion of Iraq. One must always act on the best of one's available knowledge -- especially when one's safety and security is at stake. Regarding Iraq, the Bush administration did just that. I can fault it for how it has subsequently conducted the war (see James Joyner's outstanding review of the conduct of the war in the April issue of The New Individualist); however, I can't fault it, under the existing circumstances and knowledge of the time, from going to war. In fact, I have argued strongly, here, that given the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks; given all the ominous intelligence reports of the time about Iraq's activities and intentions (reports affirmed by many nations' intelligence services and accepted by everyone, left AND right, even by the UN); given Iraq's demonstrated record of brutal aggression and horrific treatment of its own people; given its complete defiance of the international community's demands that it account for its past, actually existing WMD stockpiles; etc.; therefore, I concluded, "...it would have been an act of criminal negligence on the part of the Bush administration to fail to take pre-emptive military action against this coercive menace."

I still absolutely believe that, on those grounds, Bush acted properly and morally in invading Iraq.

This does not mean that America was obligated to subsequently launch a post-war, altruistic campaign of neocon "nation building." The notion that American national defense requires the "democratic reform" of the Middle East -- let alone that such "reform" requires the establishment, in its midst, of a thriving, exemplary, modern "democracy" -- is completely absurd on its face. For one thing, the Middle East already has such an example: Israel. If Arabs find that example offensive, then they could look to many other modern nations around the globe as examples of the undeniable benefits of Westernization. But in the face of all those examples -- in fact, because of them -- they reject modernism as a threat to their atavistic way of "life." In fact, they hate modernism, rage against it, and vow to eradicate it from the planet.

Therefore, we must separate the issues of launching defensive warfare (which can include pre-emptive strikes to neutralize a growing or imminent threat) from launching altruistic wars of "liberation" and subsequent campaigns of "nation-building." While I believe we have every right (and moral obligation) to depose regimes that threaten us, that does NOT mean we have either the right OR moral obligation to reduce our brave soldiers to the equivalents of members of the International Red Cross, or to transform American taxpayers into the equivalents of conscripted donors to Habitat for Humanity.

I don't ask you to accept my views on any of this, Steve; but does this post, in conjunction with my previous ones, at least make my position regarding the morality of warfare clear? Or are there other aspects that require elaboration?



(Edited by Robert Bidinotto
on 4/04, 4:20pm)


Post 26

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 4:17pmSanction this postReply
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Steve,

My previous post cross-posted with YOUR previous post. But it does not seem as if we are that far apart on the moral issues.

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Post 27

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 4:34pmSanction this postReply
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Steve - as others have concurred, the initiator of force is the Dictator of Nastonia. Any casualties that result in an attempt to remove him from power are the moral responsibility of him (and his cronies) alone.

I didn't fully grasp this concept until the latest Iraq war. This article by Will Thomas: http://www.objectivistcenter.org/showcontent.aspx?ct=586&h=54 made a big impression on me.


Post 28

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 4:47pmSanction this postReply
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Alexander,

 

You said,

If "collateral damage" were a moral argument, you could not be allowed to do *anything.* Driving always entails the risk of traffic accidents. Should all cars be banned because they're inherently dangerous? Flying entails the risk of a plane crashing in a building owned and inhabited by innocent bystanders. Should all aircraft be abolished because those bystanders did not agree to the existence of aircraft?

 

There is a distinct difference between accidental and intentional.  Would you get into your car if knew you would kill someone on that day’s drive?  Of course not.  When we launch a war, we know there will be deaths.  They aren’t accidents.  That is why we need to be in the right ahead of time – because we can’t plead that it was an accident.

 

You said,

The chain of causality is this: (1) dictator initiates use of force against Nastonians => (2) Nastonians have a right to self-defense => (3) Nastonians have a right to outsource self-defense => (4) we have a right to invade.

 

Let me point out that though I say, "Nastonians," plural, I do understand that any right is individual. In extremis:

  • even if only one Nastonian asked us for help, and all others preferred to be slaves
  • even if the invasion kills all Nastonians except this one the invasion would still be moral.

Our government was not instituted to wage war in service of the defense of the rights of citizens of other countries.  Your scheme would mean that it is perfectly moral to start a full out bombing war of Canada in support of single Quebec citizen who has a right to not use the French language in their business as they are required to do by those immoral laws.  If even a single Canadian citizen residing in Quebec asked for our help it would be moral for us to kill every other Canadian according to your ‘principles’. 

 

I hope you see that once you remove the requirement that our nation be under attack or threat of attack before it launches war, there are no more intellectual borders that separate idiot wars from ones that look good. 

 

The difference here is that in war we act as if all citizens of the foreign nation share the guilt/responsibility of attacking us and we act as if the attack is upon every citizen of our country.  Then it is as if every citizen has the right to defend against every citizen of the attacking nation.  Nothing less will permit us to wage a full out war. 

 

It isn’t the same as a delegation to some security firm (which can’t speak for all Americans and it can’t legitimately attack any person except those who directly violated the rights of the victim in question – the one who requested their help).


Post 29

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 5:09pmSanction this postReply
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Your scheme would mean that it is perfectly moral to start a full out bombing war of Canada in support of single Quebec citizen who has a right to not use the French language in their business as they are required to do by those immoral laws.
Steve, the difference here is that the Canadian government has moral standing. It was constituted through a moral process. Further, it hasn't reneged its moral standing through any action. Thus, there is no moral right to try and topple it. However, if the PM of Canada started successfully acting like a dictator, then all bets are off.


Post 30

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 5:29pmSanction this postReply
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Jordan,

I used Alexander's own scheme to show that it would justify war against Canada.  That was NOT a serious proposal about Canada, but just showing that his scheme wouldn't work by making up a ridiculous example.

Remember, Nazi Germany had moral standing in the beginning - via elections in what had been a civilized nation. 

You talk about when a country's leader starts "acting like a dictator" - that is a subjective standard.  We need something that is closer to a hard and fast rule for starting something as awful as a full blown war.  And something that is right by Objectivist standards.

We don't want a bunch of squabbling politicians in Washington to "decide" that so and so is "acting like a dictator" so lets send some bombs his way.

We want our nation be moral and not attack other countries unless we are attacked or threatened with attack.  Anything else is an altruistic crusade that kills innocent people without moral justification.


Post 31

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 5:55pmSanction this postReply
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You talk about when a country's leader starts "acting like a dictator" - that is a subjective standard.
I don't believe it's subjective. A dictator is someone who initiates the use of force against the people of his country or another country. Reasonable people may disagree at the margins what constititues initiation of force, but that does not make it subjective. Even at the margins, the definition must be backed up by reasons.


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Post 32

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 7:09pmSanction this postReply
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I don't believe it's subjective. A dictator is someone who initiates the use of force against the people of his country or another country.
But by that standard the leader of every government in the world, since they are all funded by taxation, would be a dictator. I think you need to be more specific.
Any casualties that result in an attempt to remove him from power are the moral responsibility of him (and his cronies) alone.
Any? I think we need to draw the line somewhere. Like the cop pursuing a suspect, some restraint must still be shown. Would it make sense for a cop to intentionally plow his car through a crowd of people just to pursue this subject? If not then we cannot also justify nuking thousands of Nastonians to save a handful. It seems as if many here are using the culpability of the dictator/kidnapper to abdicate any and all restraint.
 
And again, as I've said before, although it would be moral for individuals to lend their time and money to the liberation effort, it is nothing short of altruism, yes altruism, to liberate Nastonia with government forces and funds.


Post 33

Wednesday, April 4, 2007 - 8:24pmSanction this postReply
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Robert,

 

We disagree on the invasion of Iraq, but I’m glad to see that it is a matter of what the facts were or  the degree of immediacy they implied - and not a matter of principle.  You believed at the time that our nation was in danger of attack by Iraq.  At that time I was very torn and at times I also thought we had reason to attack.  

 

I’m glad to find that we are in agreement on the “altruistic campaign of neocon nation-building” as well.

 

This whole subject has been a shock to me - finding out how many people are calling themselves Objectivists and yet advocating altruistic wars of liberation.  And the people that are just so fuzzy on the principles.

 

I think I’ve seen where some of the errors are coming from.

  • From not examining the actual end which is altruistic.
  • From equivocating on the word “self” in “self-defense”
  • From misusing the word “threat” (not impending or not physical or not against the nation)
  • From mistaking a particular national interest as being adequate in the absence of self-defense for launching a war.
  • From an error in delegating defense from the victim of a foreign citizen to our country as the defender.

 

(Edited by Steve Wolfer on 4/04, 8:26pm)


Post 34

Thursday, April 5, 2007 - 12:14amSanction this postReply
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But by that standard the leader of every government in the world, since they are all funded by taxation, would be a dictator. I think you need to be more specific.

Of course, a dictator does more than initiate the use of force. Various dictionaries define this well enough. My point still stands, though, that it is an objective standard.
Would it make sense for a cop to intentionally plow his car through a crowd of people just to pursue this subject?
It might.
It seems as if many here are using the culpability of the dictator/kidnapper to abdicate any and all restraint.
I don't see how it's every immoral to defend myself - i.e. I don't see a moral requirement for restraint. An army is an agent of self-defense, so the principle is the same.
it is nothing short of altruism, yes altruism, to liberate Nastonia with government forces and funds.
I agree with you - assuming that there's no national interest in defending Nastonia (see Somalia and Serbia).

(Edited by Jordan Zimmerman on 4/05, 12:16am)


Post 35

Thursday, April 5, 2007 - 3:13amSanction this postReply
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Jordan,

Main Entry: dic·ta·tor
Pronunciation: 'dik-"tA-t&r, dik-'
Function: noun
Etymology: Latin, from dictare
1 a : a person granted absolute emergency power; especially : one appointed by the senate of ancient Rome b : one holding complete autocratic control c : one ruling absolutely and often oppressively
2 : one that dictates

1. I assume you are using 1c?
2. I can't agree with you on the cop plowing his car through a group of innocent bystanders.
3. The point I am trying to make is that we should weigh our options, and avoid "collateral damage" at all costs. As I said before, and I still stand by it, I get the impression that others here are using the culpability of the dictator as an excuse to obliterate thousands of innocents, without ever considering alternatives.
4. It was assumed for the purposes of this poll that Nastonia is not a threat, therefore it would not be in our national interest, therefore I believe we would be in agreement. However, you said you voted it would be moral to invade, but not in our national interest. That position does not make sense to me. How can it be moral to invade if it's not in out national interest?


Post 36

Thursday, April 5, 2007 - 2:07pmSanction this postReply
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b : one holding complete autocratic control c : one ruling absolutely and often oppressively
These are what I think of when I think of a dictator.
The point I am trying to make is that we should weigh our options, and avoid "collateral damage" at all costs.
I agree that that's a good goal but I don't see how it's a moral principle. It's a contradiction to have the right to defend myself but only if I can avoid collateral damange.
How can it be moral to invade if it's not in out national interest?
It's moral to invade because the dictator has no moral claim to his position. Whether to invade or not is a separate question. If we invade for altruistic reasons, then that's immoral. But, the poll didn't say that. There are always supporters and detractors that have bad rationales, but this poll didn't mention what the President's reasons were.

I think Iraq illuminates my position. We have/had a moral right to invade Iraq. However, reasonable arguments have been made that it wasn't in our national interest to do so. This latter question is a tactical/practical argument.


Post 37

Thursday, April 5, 2007 - 5:45pmSanction this postReply
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There is a distinct difference between accidental and intentional.  Would you get into your car if knew you would kill someone on that day’s drive?  Of course not.  When we launch a war, we know there will be deaths.  They aren’t accidents.  That is why we need to be in the right ahead of time – because we can’t plead that it was an accident.

 

A soldier who goes to war does not know that he will kill an innocent civilian, as little as the driver does.

 

As for the commander who sends all those soldiers into Nastonia, and who according to your appeal to statistics would have to be able to predict that there will be collateral damage: He would be as little to blame for any innocent dead (if there are any) as Henry Ford can be blamed for all the highway dead of the last hundred years.

 

 

Our government was not instituted to wage war in service of the defense of the rights of citizens of other countries.  Your scheme would mean that it is perfectly moral to start a full out bombing war of Canada in support of single Quebec citizen who has a right to not use the French language in their business as they are required to do by those immoral laws.  If even a single Canadian citizen residing in Quebec asked for our help it would be moral for us to kill every other Canadian according to your ‘principles’. 

 

If the Canadian dictator points a gun at a single individual victim of his, anybody would have a right to help the victim.

 

If a fuel bomb headed for that dictator happens to set fire to the immense oil field that (unbeknownst to us) stretches under all of Canada only one inch below the ground, killing all Canadians, that would be too bad, but it would not make helping immoral.

 

If you personally are so afraid of harming innocent bystanders, fine, then don't volunteer. But your own choice does not give you any moral cause against anybody who comes to a different conclusion upon weighing the possible risks and benefits.

 

So you would not help that Canadian guy forced to speak French, you would not help those enslaved Nastonians about to be murdered, you won't do anything unless a gun is pointed your way.

 

Would you say it would have been wrong to liberate the slaves in the South by force? Would you say it would have been wrong to enter WWII to save six million Jews? Neither of those wars was waged to helps those people, but I would argue that they should have, and that it would have been moral to do so. Do you disagree?

 

It would be moral to abolish all governments that loot taxes, it would be moral to defend the Canadian, and it would be moral to liberate the Nastonians. Yet, as you cannot practicably make war on all governments of the world at the same time, you pick your fights. One possible course of action is to go after the worst offenders, who do most harm, first. That would mean to first liberate Nastonia, then Canada, and finally abolish taxes.

 

Helping the Nastonians is not altruism. If I sympathize with some bright Nastonian kid who's being dragged into a temple of the Nasty religion, or a Nastonian barracks, or a Nastonian concentration camp, and decide to make war to help him, then it is morally no different from using force to defend a loved one or a friend. Would you argue that "self-defense" is so narrow a term that it only refers to your own body? Have you no right to defend your family, for instance?

 

BTW, my principles may be so odious to you that you have to put them in distance quotes, but at least I'm not a fair-weather individualist.

 

I came here to say that I do not recognize anyone's right to one minute of my life. Nor to any part of my energy. Nor to any achievement of mine. No matter who makes the claim, how large their number or how great their need. — Howard Roark

 

Is that no longer true when the claim is "do not defend a friend, because we're afraid of collateral damage" and those who make the claim are all Canadians, or the whole **** world "community"?

 

(Edited by Alexander Butziger on 4/05, 6:10pm)


Post 38

Friday, April 6, 2007 - 1:36pmSanction this postReply
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Alexander,

As to the difference between accidental deaths, like on the freeway, and foreseeable deaths, like those from launching a full out war, you are just refusing to acknowledge the difference.  You satisfy youself by saying the Commander in Chief is not to blame for any innocent deaths.  That is only true if the cause of going to war was just.  It is NOT true if the cause is unjust.  That is the whole point of this!

By the way, Canada does NOT have a dictator.  I picked Canada because they are not a tyranny.  I assumed you would grasp that.  Now I don't know if I should be explaining Canadian politics to you or just directly addressing the fact that you think it is morally acceptable to incinerate every person in Canada (except for the one who asked that he not be made to use French language signs in his business).

You say,
If you personally are so afraid of harming innocent bystanders, fine, then don't volunteer.
Alexander, it isn't about fear.  It is about morality and determining how to apply the concept of individual rights so as to be able to determine when it is moral to launch a full-out war and when it is not.  Hitler and Stalin were not "afraid" of harming innocent bystanders.  And I notice you used the word "volunteer" - that isn't applicable here since the whole country gets committed when war is launched, not just those who agree.

 
You said,
So you would not help that Canadian guy forced to speak French, you would not help those enslaved Nastonians about to be murdered, you won't do anything unless a gun is pointed your way.
If I were Commander in Chief, I would not launch a full-out war against another nation (Nastoia or Canada) unless I had reason to believe that the United States was under threat of an attack serious enough to warrant a full-out war.

 
The fact that a person has the right to act as a delegate on behalf of a person who's rights are being violated doesn't make it okay to do ANYTHING.  The government must focus on the context.  If person A's rights are being violated by person B, then the government has the right to use REASONABLE force against person B.  That word "reasonable" is necessary because you don't burn person B alive for walking across person A's front yard (trespassing).  Context also means that a full-out war is a war against a full country of people.  That means our full country of people have to be the ones who's rights have been (or will be) violated.  Because war is dealing out of death, then the nature of the violation must be extremely serious.  Only if those principles are observed can you claim to be acting in self-defense.  Without self-defense you have no moral right to kill innocent people - which is not fully avoidable in war.
 
When you are expending lives of Americans (who may well be the neighbors you mention), killing innocent foriegners, expending national treasure and you are doing it for the possible liberation of people you don't know - Yes, that is altruism.  You need the concept of self-defense before you can objectively state that you are not making a sacrifice.
 
The failure to understand and observe the principle of self-defense in the context of launching a war makes an individual much worse than a fair-weather individualist - it makes him a collectivist.  There could be someone like a Howard Roarke that your bombs would kill.  If you are compelled by self-defense to launch that war then it was the tyrant you are bombed that is responible.  But if there is no threat of attack, then you have become the enemy of individualism and the killer of that person.
 
If you don't understand and agree with this then I have nothing more to say.
 
 


Post 39

Saturday, April 7, 2007 - 7:00amSanction this postReply
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And I notice you used the word "volunteer" - that isn't applicable here since the whole country gets committed when war is launched, not just those who agree.
It's hard to understand why some people just don't get that.


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